A new pact historical relations between Albania and Greece

By Sokol Kondi

Time has shown that a broad pact between the two countries is more necessary than ever to give a final solution century problems

Every crisis can be seen as a new opportunity , as a starting point to find solutions more efficiently than in the past . This can be said as regards the relations between Albania and Greece . If you rely on experience such as that of the newest member of the European Union , Croatia , which once solved a good deal maritime borders with neighboring Slovenia and Italy , where the ethnic problems in Slovenian Istria regions ( Pact of 1975 Osimos the former Yugoslavia ) , or those Austrian South Tyrol ( Alto Adige in Italian ) , are solved so long and final through bilateral agreements , can be extracted useful suggestions for the final settlement and creation and a good neighborhood boundary between two nations oldest Balkan .

Less desirable thing is to face conflict with our southern neighbor , or solving mutual problems with extreme measures . The solution , then, through a policy of instant ( like the outgoing government , which for eight years he returns to stand beside the Albanians at the border due to the topographical problem in passports , and in its last played ' the role of the lion ' ) or a modus vivendi Perpetuo not guarantee a peaceful common future . One of the major responsibilities of the new government , which takes shape patriotic at this point , is channeling the Greek-Albanian relations in a new era , to seek a lasting relationship and a long-term good neighborliness .

inferiority

Since 1992 until today , it is not unreasonable to say that the Albanian foreign policy is characterized by a position of inferiority towards the Greek state and therefore can not be used as justification interest only process integration into the European family , which paskish us detect excessive caution , because the personal satisfaction of appetites transitional Albanian political class may have had a perceptible impact on this approach .

This thesis may justify the Athens government's approach to achieve in its favor , an agreement with regard to Albania delimitacionit maritime border . Not surprisingly , this was an initiative taken by the neighbors , who , aware that owning a pressure instrument , such as a veto for Albania's progress along the route to Brussels , but also aware that they face a political class ' manageable ' , is likely to have hoped , as history teaches , that can take to the sea , the gift that took Yugoslav Kingdom on earth with St. Naum nearly a century ago . This has been a feasible option for Greece over the last eight years and , if the last legislature would have had a majority with figures majority government expected soon , perhaps today we would be conducted before the fact . Since the project Karmanlisit and Bakojanisit one side and Sali Berisha 's turn Basha was not realized , the letters remain open on the table awaiting new players .

Tools of diplomacy

First of all , bear in mind that really pacts , agreements are a key instrument of international law , are the remedy its development , but , on the other hand , is that right has correctly defined criteria , on the basis of which should be based on two countries that share the same sea , in terms of the relevant delimitacionit . So , an agreement is an effective instrument to avoid disputes between the parties , but not the only way to have a diplomatic maritime border between Albania and Greece . The sea border between the two countries and there is a right guaranteed by international marine . In it are defined, without being necessarily need any agreement , which are territorial waters , territorial waters alongside them , which is the continental shelf , the exclusive economic zone which is and international waters .

Even when two countries have such a close proximity to each other , as they have only territorial seas and nothing more , or between them are islands or rocks , international maritime law provides everything to detail , with miles , that leaves no room for doubt .

Of course , when the two countries separated by the same sea have similar views and give different interpretations of international maritime law , another means for the peaceful settlement of the dispute , which provides international law , is arbitrary . In such a case , in agreement with each other , countries could turn to a foreign arbitrator , choosing a third party - or some of them - that they consider fair and engaging that will accept any arbitration decision will take . It was also proposed that EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn, Croatia and Slovenia had proposed to resolve their dispute delimitacionin maritime solution , which was accepted by the parties and the successful results . Slovenia , in turn , used , even a referendum , giving voice to people with important issues such as territorial or maritime sovereignty is a state . Even this option is to be held as " no sleeve " , to be used if necessary .

Finally , two other instances at the international level in the case of friction International Maritime Court and the International Court of Justice . The latter , indeed gives advisory opinions , but they , however , have a considerable coercive moral force ( see the case of Kosovo ) , as the party will be established that is in violation of international law , which , in our case , can Greece was , it would no doubt under pressure from the European Union's decision to undergo international law in resolving disputes with Albania .

The same pressure , the EU has exercised against Slovenia , which , for a specified period , attempted to block Croatia 's accession process .

The idea is that the agreement signed between the parties to the relevant maritime areas can be done instantly , if they are guided by the principles of international law , or can be reached by arbitration decisions or international justice . But might not signed any treaty and de jure , however , remain to be bound by the provisions of international law that guarantees sea . Ultimately , Greece has signed a maritime agreement with neighboring Turkey , and , however , this does not prevent the two border states to implement the relevant maritime boundaries , subject to the principles of international maritime law , without any disagreement or misunderstanding to use the continental shelf and the various sources of underwater aquatic , located in seas . This is due to the fact that Greek-Turkish relations are at a level of reciprocity and non- inferiority syndrome characterized by any of the parties . Collision also had a demonstration and even military force , but the conflict is not never escalated to a point of no return , to a pact signed , could be even more powerful tool to guarantee the elimination of potential friction .

Meanwhile , we can not say the same as regards factual sea bilateral relations between Albania and Greece . Saranda fishermen complain constantly that the Greek Coast Guard prevents the use of water resources occurring in the waters , which Greece claims it has the exclusive right , under an agreement with the government , which has not been approved by Parliament and was rejected - as the invalid - the Constitutional Court . Meanwhile , it can be said that , in any case , the Albanian Coast Guard has created the same obstacles to Greek fishermen . However , the problem would be minimal , if it were only for fishing conflict . Seeing that the experts talk about ongoing studies on groundwater resources of hydrocarbons , which may be located in this area , strategic and national economic interest lips to address the matter with more seriousness than life and what made ​​so far and with a national optics and no private companies .

Interference in the internal affairs

On the issue of the Greek intervention in the internal affairs of Albania , this , to some extent , can be even more subtle than maritime pact . Corfu Protocol of 17 May 1914 , as it is known , was not adopted by the governments of the Great Powers , as a result of the outbreak of the First World War . The Government approved by Prince Wilhelm Messenger , but this act has no legal value , as long as an article necessarily require the signature of the Great Powers to give it legitimacy . In the envisaged a special status regions of Korca , Gjirokastra and Bazaar , where the Greek clergy and would enjoy certain privileges as a result of the 1914 kryengitjes , Athens considered as " rebellion Epirus " , while the historiography Albania recognizes a movement organized by the Hellenic government , the soldiers without uniforms , come from other parts of Crete and Greece .

Greece behaves today as this act was in force . In an official position of Athens , were asked to respect the rights of religious minorities and their property . So Greece considers properties of the Greek minority in Albania all autocephalous church properties . Michael doves , representatives of Albania , was clear in Paris on February 27, 1919 in front of the Committee set up to review the Greek territorial claims in Albania , that " Greece confuses things . She thinks that Christians , like me , are Greek . This is incorrect .... Epirus , according to the evidence of all Greek authors are indigenous and , thanks to progressive insights , Greeks , breaking through the strength of the Church , managed to enter the Albanian areas , particularly in terms of Ioannina .... On the other hand , assume that all are Greek Orthodox . Why ? Russians , Bulgarians and Serbs are Orthodox though , are not Greeks ..... "

Even international investigation commission , which was then in Albania after the League of Nations approved the request made ​​to verify Fan Noli problematic situation in the South as a result of the Greek assault , testifying from Korca , in January 1922 , that : " ... only a insignificant minority wants to be under Greek rule , is a factor that can keep hopes alive on the other side of the border . It can interfere impact here of the clergy and especially the Greek metropolitans , who , as we have been able to ascertain , working openly for secession of southern Albania and its union with Greece. " This seems to be written today , after 90 years , since the situation is similar , with the difference that can not talk of territorial revisions , however the extent of propaganda and influence through the clergy and the Church seems bitterly . At the top of the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church is , even today , a Greek nationalities . Of course , why would not like to suggest an Albanian government to do what it did Prime Minister Pandeli Evanghelie - was in 1922 - when he ordered the Greek bishop of Korca , Monsignor Jakopos , to leave the country , after numerous protests natives , who considered it as uninvited . Such a possibility , of course , will do nothing but will further strain relations , however paradoxical it may seem .

Albania has other aspirations and ideals and can not close the borders with neighbors , as after 1945 , or take a " witch hunt " against religion , as in 1967 , a fact , curved to the right of Fatlumturia his Anastas , who should know better what totalitarianism , as well as the neighboring country has lived wild fascist dictatorship of generals .

This camouflage garb of the Greek Church of the Albanian Church is another delicate subject , with which to confront the two countries earlier and can be left on the Greek calends ...

Any further delay is only at the expense of the Government. It is the time when things must be said - and not just verbally - because of the frequent statements of recent years "relations are excellent " in many cases proved just as soap bubbles . Surely there is a friendship treaty between the two countries since the 1996 's , but seeing frequent returns to the border Albanians are not indicative of any particular fraternity , it would not be harmful to anyone a new pact good neighborly , to reiterate the good intentions of the two people against one another , a pact that , unlike others , is not destined to pluhurosej in the archives , but provided an intensive action çtensionimin the situation , as the immediate need time , in the form of a new impetus cultural cooperation , education and sports , as the initial tool to settle differences. Albanian Ministry of Education could play a role in the middle , in the context of a new policy towards the Albanian Foreign Greece . Young Historians , free of complexes propaganda of the communist period , or by romanticizmat Renaissance , which , of course , in the period when Albania should be established as a state to defend its existence , have been a great benefit , can give their contribution to a new view , the cold and not emotional about our historical neighbor . Historians , connoisseurs of diplomacy and international law can not know that , in the Balkan Wars , the fall of the Ottoman Empire , when Greece ran Albanian regions , this happened at a time when the legitimacy of the spoils of war taken by the force was something quite normal . War in the international arena was simply a continuation of the policy and a solution to disputes . So was continued until the Treaty of San Francisco in 1945 , when , for the first time , the resolution of international disputes by force was stopped by "law " .

This is not to say that the Greeks have been angels with what they have done in the years 1913-1914 or later . Hormove massacre remains a site of bloody history, nothing can deny , Venizelos also the then ultimately accepted . However , we can not judge the history of that time with the present principles . The principle of self-determination of peoples appeared for the first time after World War I , with the emergence of the U.S. in the international arena , but began to have a real effect only after World War II . Involvement of different ethnicities within a foreign country was not something invented Greece , because ultimately what was Austria- Hungary and the Ottoman Empire before it, were it not these two super - states , which included within multiple ethnicities ? But Albania , if the renewal in 1912 would have been a country with 100 years of independence in the back and force in relation to its neighbors , will be shown liberal and peaceful , at a time when the dissolution of the Porte allow for greed major new states , which rose on the ruins of the Empire ? This can not know , but seeing what makes all the other countries in the Balkan War , hardly an independent Albania at that time would have acted differently .

However , in the case of history textbooks can be used reciprocity , where the Greek Ministry of Education to integrate , in its texts , some great truths , as massacres committed against the peoples of southern Albania and the Cham , on all . Telling the truth on the part of both peoples , thus çdemonizimi Greece from Albania and Greece acceptance of some indisputable historical truths , may be beginning to launching a new era between the two countries . An active foreign policy could work so hard at this and advance the improvement of relations starting from this point .

What can be done

Returning to issues of interference in internal affairs , and for them it can be said that there was no one reciprocity , but a humiliation and inferiority along these 22 years ago by the Albanian political pluralism . Greek Consul in Gjirokastra met the mayor of the Municipality to be expressed - rightly - concerns a member of the EU , as Europe 's religious freedom is a fundamental one . But , among the fundamental freedoms is the right of property . Of course , diplomacy is not appropriate to answer tooth for tooth potential partners when wants a constructive solution to the problems . But , on the other hand , official Tirana can not continue to remove the " Cham problem does not exist " , as stated in many cases Athens . The issue of property rights of the displaced population in 1945 Cham would be appropriate to return to the determination of the foreign policy agenda of Tirana . Meanwhile , the problems of the Albanian Orthodox Church will continue to generate internal conflict and tension , as long as it is not a de facto Albanian Church , as the growing tension could also produce mosgjejtja of Justice on the issue of ownership Chams . The latter may be an artificial voltage , amplified from within , but tension remains .

In fact , as more continue to be extended to the EU accession process , the more confidence will decline against major European entity and , progressively , could thrive nationalist cause , whirlpool which can absorb the the Cham . Therefore , the inclusion in the agenda of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs , and the subject should be included in the same package with the problems of marine and topographical Orthodox Church or , as an important counterweight to reach a historic bilateral agreement that to end centuries problems and create a new climate , more sober .

These issues can be fixed only with a historic bilateral agreement and can not kondicionohen European veto . It is the moment that they raised and treated vigorously bilateral level , but also at European and international ones , if need be . Age of vetësyrgjynosjes , autoizolimit or inferiority of Albanian foreign policy has ended . Albania must reappear from shells and means of her own in the international arena after a long apathy , in the wake of the founding fathers , who fought so fiercely , through diplomatic channels , to the Albanian cause : Kamal Ismail in London , Fan Noli in Geneva , Michael doves , Mehmet Turhan Bey Pasha Minolta and others in Paris , and so on .

It is time that the names of these men join other state and all premises are , just that department of the Foreign Ministry to resume buzz off .

These are just a few ideas , there may be many more , enough to rise to appropriate levels of diplomatic and treated with the necessary interest , within the beginning of a new era for the country. Albanian diplomacy has only three possibilities : the resolve to address these issues directly with the Greek side on the basis of international law, to lay before international judicial bodies and find solutions to them , or settle by making concessions or donations of old- style government . The third option is categorically excluded and could hardly happen when the will was clearly popular with his vote , what kind of new government expects . Establishing the level of reciprocity and leaving behind the inferior shkruarës may be the only way to avoid creating new destabilizing political movements in the country, following the example of " Golden Dawn " , or " Lega Nord " , which until yesterday do not expect one in Europe , but today dictate the policy agenda problematic Old Continent .